
From
Challenge # 85 May
-June 2004
European Labor Delegation in Israel/Palestine
The Dynamics of Inequality
Roni Ben Efrat
FOR the week leading up to May 1, a delegation of 14 trade
unionists from seven European countries visited Israel and the West Bank
at the invitation of the Workers Advice Center (WAC, ma'an
in Arabic). Its purpose was to study first-hand the problems of groups
facing discrimination in the local labor market, focusing on the
construction industry. The groups are the Arab citizens of Israel, the
Palestinians from the Occupied Territories, and the migrant workers from
Europe and Asia.
The delegates worked 16 hours a day. They talked
with academics, social activists and the workers themselves. Assaf Adiv,
WAC National Coordinator, presented the draft of a working paper,
abridged at this link. My journal of
the visit follows:
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April 26: The day was devoted to migrant
workers. Dr. Leonard Hammer, an expert in the field of international
covenants on questions of labor, told the Delegation: "During the 1950's,
Israel aspired to win international legitimacy. It was among the first
nations to sign, ratify and incorporate in its law books the international
labor conventions. Today, when the Israeli labor market includes
Palestinians and migrants, Israel is in no hurry to sign, much less ratify
and incorporate, the UN's new Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers
and their Families."
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Dr. Roy Wagner of Kav La'Oved (Worker's
Hotline) painted a grim picture, attacking the inaction of the Histadrut.
He also criticized the tacit collaboration of the embassies that have
workers in Israel: the 'sending countries', for the most part, see the
migrant workers as sources of dollars to be funneled into their economies.
"Of the illegal workers here," said Wagner, "70% arrived legally, but the
miserable conditions motivated them to go underground."
Sigal Rozen of the Hotline for Migrant Workers
pointed out that the migrants had managed to develop a supporting social
network, but the Migration Police have destroyed it by deporting the
leaders. The Delegation also heard from Attorneys Ahuva Zaltzberg and Dror
Meir of the Bar Association; from Yossi Dahan of the Adva Center for
Social Research; and from Dr. Shmuel Amir, a labor researcher from the
Hebrew University, Jerusalem. We also toured a neighborhood in south Tel
Aviv where many migrants live.
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April 27: Visit to
Galilee. The Delegation devoted this day to the Arab construction workers
in Israel. After meeting with WAC team leaders at our office in Nazareth,
we went to a lookout point. We compared the Jewish city of
Upper Nazareth, which boasts a large industrial area, with Nazareth
itself, Israel's biggest Arab city, with nary a single factory. We could also see the Renaissance
Hotel, built for tourists who never came: this last year it has served as
a detention center for illegal migrants prior to deportation.
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In the afternoon, we visited another Arab city, Um
al-Fahm. Here, from another vantage point, a group of WAC youth showed us
the separation fence dividing Israel from the West Bank. When it is
complete, it will shut out thousands of Palestinian workers who, until
now, have managed to sneak back and forth illegally. (This illegal labor
has been a kind of social safety valve for the West Bank). While looking,
we saw three get through at a place where the fence is not yet finished.
We then visited WAC's new center in Um al-Fahm,
where 15 workers awaited us, most from the youth group. Asma Agbarieh, our
coordinator for youth work in the area, talked about the need for labor
education: "The marginalization of the Arab manual worker is twofold.
First, he is marginal in Israeli society because he's an Arab. Second, he
is marginal because Arab society itself tends to see the manual worker as
someone who 'didn't succeed'. That is the point where we want to make a
change." Agbarieh compared the three perspectives among which the Arab
worker today must find an identity: religious fundamentalism, nationalism
or class-consciousness. The first two, she said, encourage him to shut
himself up in a group. Only the third connects him to the wider world.
"That," she told the delegates, "is the importance of your visit here."
Salah Athamneh, who has been a member of WAC for
the last two of his 27 years, confirmed that society considers the worker
a "zero". "How do you deal with this problem?" he asked the Delegation.
Harry Kappelhof, a dockworker in the FNV Bondgenoten (Netherlands), made
this reply: "A worker has to make a leap and become active." Faustina Van
Aperen, director of the WCL's International Solidarity Foundation
(Belgium), told the parable of the single stick and the bundle of sticks.
She gathered some pencils of various colors into a bunch and said: "You
can break one pencil, but you can't break a bunch, even if they're of
different colors and kinds."
We finished the day at nearby Kufr Qara, visiting
the mural that Mike Alewitz painted at WAC's behest, entitled "No Walls
Between Workers." We then joined WAC workers for a sumptuous dinner in the
village.
April 28: Dr. Noah
Levine Epstein of the University of Tel Aviv provided the academic
dimension to the experiences in Galilee. "Israel has a norm," he said, "of
encouraging the employment of Jewish workers. This is thought to be
acceptable, even though its practical effect is clear discrimination
against Arabs. There is also a widespread practice of limiting the
acceptance of Arabs into certain companies by claiming state security.
Frequently this claim is raised without objective reason, closing job
opportunities to Arabs without justification."
Epstein also described a dramatic drop in the
participation of Arab men in the labor force as they grow older. "I
checked the figures for Arab men aged 35 in 1980. Their participation rate
was then at its height: 89.4%. In the year 2002, the same men were 55-64
years old. Their participation rate had dropped to 34.8%. The
corresponding figures for Jewish men were 91.3% in 1980 and 70.6% in 2002.
Clearly, the drop in Arab participation is the consequence of importing
migrants to Israel precisely in occupations where Arabs traditionally
found jobs."
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April 29. Meetings
with government officials in the morning. First, a senior team from
Israel's Finance Ministry, including Yuval Rachlevski, head of the Wages
and Labor Department. The team made a detailed slide presentation on the
state of the economy: "In the last ten years," they said, "the number of
foreign workers has grown from 30,000 to 300,000 (or 12.5% of the
workforce). In an economy with 11% unemployment, such a proportion is
irrational. The aim of the Finance Ministry is to transfer Israelis from
welfare to work.
"In 1994," the Finance team continued, "there was
great demand for construction workers because of the big wave of Russian
immigration. Yet the Territories had been put under closure because of the
security situation, and there were enormous pressures to permit the
importation of workers from abroad. The government then agreed to
negotiate under pressure, without planning and without weighing the
long-term implications of this decision. The supervision was inadequate
compared to the flow of imported labor, and this has led to the difficult,
complex situation of today.
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"Those who suffered most from the importation of
foreign workers were the Palestinians from the Territories. The Arab
laborers in Israel, who worked in the same branches as most of the
migrants, also lost their jobs because of this. The trend we see in the
last few years is one of Arab Israeli workers returning to the
construction branch, and this is encouraging." The team also instructed
the Delegation in the neoliberal economics of Finance Minister Binyamin
Netanyahu: "Israel is number one in the world when it comes to strikes in
the public sector. There is a need to limit the right to strike."
From there we went to the Ministry of Industry,
Trade and Labor. We met with Eli Paz, the deputy director, who was joined
by senior staff members. Paz's words confirmed what the delegates had
heard on former days: "The building firms want to employ foreign workers
because they are cheaper. Even Arab contractors I've met hire foreign
workers, despite the fact that in their villages there's a reservoir of
builders. We estimate that there are potentially enough Arab workers in
Israel to fill the need, and we are making an effort to re-introduce them
into the construction branch."
Paz said that 10,000 Israelis have gone back into
construction in this past year, most of them Arabs. As a result, he
claimed, the unemployment rate in the Arab sector has dropped from 14% to
11.5%. He severely criticized the governments whose subjects work in
Israel: "There is no readiness on the part of the sending countries to
take action against the personnel companies operating in their lands.
Every such company has an Israeli partner, and we at the Ministry do what
we can in our field to halt the operations of any company that
transgresses the law with regard to foreign workers. There are already 40
personnel companies whose licenses to import workers have been revoked
because they violated the law."
After lunch we divided the Delegation into two
parts. One group talked with Attorney Bassam Karkabi and Asma Agbarieh
about WAC's work in East Jerusalem. The two focused on the special
problems of the jobless there who are required to prove their residency in
the city in order to qualify for benefits from the National Insurance
Institute.
The other group met with Ghassan Muklashi, director
of the "Jewish-Arab Institute" in the Histadrut. Muklashi said that the
Histadrut today, with 700,000 members, is engaged in a difficult struggle
with the government. The delegates asked about the Histadrut's position
concerning foreign workers. Muklashi pointed out that the Histadrut is
pressing for legislation that will lead to equal conditions, "but we
aren't able to work in the field to enforce the labor laws. We are scarce
on resources and have to focus our concern on the workers who pay dues."
Asked how the Histadrut intends to observe the First of May, Muklashi
said: "The Histadrut does not observe the First of May. This is a
sensitive issue for the Likudniks among us, and [General Secretary] Amir
Peretz prefers not to stir up superfluous frictions within the coalition."
In the evening the group re-assembled at the hotel
in Tel Aviv, and I led a political discussion, which served as an
introduction to our visit the next day in the Territories and East
Jerusalem.
April 30: A first
lesson in Occupation: Kalandia Checkpoint between Jerusalem and the West
Bank city of Ramallah in Area A. Israel forbids Israelis to enter Area A.
All the delegates got through, as well as Assaf Adiv, whom the soldiers
did not check. They checked the video team and me, and we were not
permitted to cross: "You want to be Tenenbaum II?" (The reference was to
an Israeli kidnapped by the Hezbollah and recently swapped for hundred of
Lebanese and Palestinian prisoners.)
The destination of those who got through was the
center of the General Federation of Palestinian Trade Unions (GFPTU).
Its director, Shaher Saad, had to reach Ramallah from Nablus. He phoned to
tell us he could not get past the Nablus checkpoint. Instead the delegates
met with Hussein Fuqaha, a member of the executive board of the PGFTU and
head of its Ramallah office. Fuqaha was joined by Muhammed Aruri and Amneh
Rimawi, members of the GFPTU Working Committee. They talked about the
difficulties caused by the separation wall. They put the unemployment rate
in the Territories today at over 50%. "There are simply no jobs," they
said. Thousands sit in jail because they tried to enter Israel to find
work.
Aruri was bitter about the Histadrut: "It signed an
accord with the PGFTU in 1995, agreeing to help us with legal expenses for
workers sent by us from the Territories. They stopped the arrangement at
the start of the Intifada. Despite the terrible suffering of the
Palestinian workers, we haven't heard a peep of solidarity from the
Histadrut."
After the meeting, the delegates rejoined us at the
refugee camp of Shu'afat on the northeast side of Jerusalem, minus Assaf.
The soldiers had checked his ID on the way back and taken him into
custody. I made some calls to secure his release. Meanwhile, the group
joined WAC members from the camp, who led it on a tour.
The visit was disturbing. Since the start of the
Intifada, a checkpoint has stood at the entrance. Shu'afat's residents
have Israeli ID cards and used to be able to work in Israel. The new
separation wall will exclude them from Jerusalem, and no one knows what
will become of them.
Assaf Adiv was released after signing a statement
that he would not enter Area A again without a permit. We made our way to
Jaffa for the first of two May First celebrations. At Bamat Etgar, the
Delegation organizers spoke, as well as Danish delegate Helene Ellemann
Jensen of SiD. We sang workers' songs, including "Joe Hill" and "Brother,
Can You Spare a Dime?", as well as a local one: "Mix the cement, Ahmed." A
satirical "panel of experts" brought the house down.
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May 1. Last day.
Morning of summarizing and brainstorming. The delegates called the visit
as a big success. They decided to adopt the working paper and use what
they had learned in order to take action on several fronts: within their
trade unions, among new unions, and in international institutions.
Cooperation with WAC will increase.
We drove to WAC's May First celebration in Haifa.
The following day the Delegation issued, from
Amsterdam, a press release, expressing the group's shock at "the grave and
humiliating situation confronting Palestinian and migrant workers."
The full statement.
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